Recent press coverage of the Dunleavy for Governor campaign has focused on the collusion between that campaign and the Independent Expenditure group, “A Stronger Alaska,” which appears to be a nominal shell entity run by the Republican Governors Association.
The relationship between the two entities raises potential APOC violations that may be easier to prove, but some of Dunleavy’s most blatant corruption could be lurking in the sweetheart government deals he strikes for his friends who are working to reelect him.
Dunleavy’s campaign manager, Jordan Shilling, had a $10,000-per-month state contract during the past year to work on “renewable energy and division of motor vehicles policy.” The contract, capped at $50,000, overlapped with Shilling working for Dunleavy’s campaign for “free.” Do people really run political campaigns for free? And do they really have enough time to do both jobs well?
It’s not just Shilling. State employee and professional Twitter troll Andrew Jensen “volunteers” as spokesman for Dunleavy’s campaign while Dunleavy pal Brett Huber works for an Independent Expenditure group working to elect Dunleavy, while he had a $50,000 contract with the state to consult on “statehood defense.” The Executive Branch Ethics Act prohibits campaigning on state time.
Huber helped Dunleavy with his state senate campaigns and ran his 2018 campaign for governor, and is one of his closest political strategists.
We know what Huber and Shilling are willing to do to get Dunleavy elected, but what are they doing for the State of Alaska? Where are the receipts? Where are the memos or white papers? Do they exist? Did anybody submit a public records request? If they have $10,000 contracts, where is their work?
If Shilling and Huber worked for the Governor’s Office, surely there’d be something — anything — to show for it. There should be public records readily available showing what Alaskans are getting for their money. And if requested, the Governor’s Office should produce those records promptly, rather than stonewalling and charging exorbitant fees.
These contracts may violate the State Procurement Code as “artificially fragmented or divided” and there is no evidence that the contractors ever did any work while openly side-hustling for Dunleavy’s campaign.
None of it passes the smell test. Emboldened by and steeped in Trumpism, these Dunleavy campaign operatives-slash-contracted “policy advisors” are counting on public indifference to their corruption and on running out the clock before Election Day.
The press shouldn’t let that happen.
